Leaders, against the backdrop of war, look heroic, noble. We demonize the enemy so that our opponent is no longer human. What is at work in this report is the reduction of language to code.
Soldiers want at least the consolation of knowing War as a force that gives they risk being blown up by land mines for a greater glory, for a New World.
Although the United States finally intervened, we did so because the United Nations mission collapsed in the summer ofnot because of any foresight or courage on the part of the administration of President Bill Clinton.
Thus killing is done in our name, killing that concerns us little, while those who kill our own are seen as having crawled out of the deepest recesses of the earth, lacking our own humanity and goodness.
Nationalist and ethnic conflicts are often myths sustained by absurdities and almost imperceptible nuances within society: The criminal class, many of whom made their fortunes by plundering the possessions of ethnic Croats and Muslims who were expelled from their homes or killed in Bosnia during War as a force that gives war, had rented apartments where they sold stolen clothes from Italy.
Most national myths, at their core, are racist. Many of those who set out to write their memoirs, or speak about the war, do so with shame. We may do it with more skepticism. And they had power unlike anything they experienced at home. We are hostage to a vast and powerful military-industrial complex that exports more weapons than all other nations combined.
We were forced to see ourselves as others saw us, and it was not always pleasant. Everyone knows what to say and how to respond.
I was momentarily defeated by the grit that covered my face and hair, the jostling crowds, the stench of the open sewers and rotting garbage. And the press has usually been more than willing to play the dupe as long as the ratings are good. After midnight the public television channels ran hard-core porno films.
It gives a justification to what is often nothing more than gross human cruelty and stupidity.
We see defeats as signposts on the road to ultimate victory. It became ascendant with the Persian Gulf War, when we embraced the mythic and unachievable goal of a "New World Order. Two emaciated donkeys, their ribs outlined on their flanks, were tethered to wooden carts with rubber wheels.
Dissidents who challenge the goodness of our cause, who question the gods of war, who pull back the curtains to expose the lie are usually silenced or ignored.
And war, at least, gives a sense that we can rise above our smallness and divisiveness. It is studiously crafted by the state. They give us an alternative language, one that refuses to define the other as "barbarian" or "evil," one that recognizes the humanity of the enemy, one that does not condone violence as a form of communication.
Cultural or national symbols that do not support the crusade are often ruthlessly removed. The notion that the press was used in the war is incorrect The press wanted to be used.
The generals, who are no more interested in candor than they were in Vietnam, have at least perfected the appearance of candor. Iraqi soldiers were nothing more on the screens of sophisticated artillery pieces than little dots scurrying around like ants-that is, until they were blasted away.
They do not tell this to their editors and indeed will moan and complain about restrictions. It can be formed only by denying the reality of war, by turning the lies, the manipulation, the inhumanness of war into heroic ideal. In the nationalist cause they are given a chance to be exalted by a nation that has ignored them.
To speak of the Israeli war of independence with many Israelis, in which stateless European Jews established a country in a land that had been primarily Muslim since the seventh century, is to shout into a vast black hole.
His treachery we call policy: It allows us to be noble. But even those who do go out are guilty of distortion. They feel in debt to those who died. In the nationalist cause they are given a chance to be exalted by a nation that has ignored them.
War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN External links "The Costs of War: Interview w/ Chris Hedges".
Religion and Ethics Newsweekly. "Part Two of Interview w/ Chris Hedges". Religion and Ethics Newsweekly. In War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, he tackles the ugly truths about humanity's love affair with war, offering a sophisticated, nuanced, intelligent meditation on the subject that is also gritty, powerful, and degisiktatlar.com: Paperback.
War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning Quotes (showing of 25) “There are always people willing to commit unspeakable human atrocity in exchange for a little power and privilege.” ― Chris Hedges, War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning.
Sep 29, · WAR IS A FORCE. THAT GIVES US MEANING.
By Chris Hedges. pp. New York: PublicAffairs. $ For Chris Hedges, a reporter for The New York Times who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years, war. “War Is a Force that Gives Us Meaning” by Chris Hedges.
This is the text that needs to be used: “War Is a Force that Gives Us Meaning” by Chris Hedges. Paper details: Section One: On p.3 Hedges makes the startling suggestion that “the rush of battle is a potent and often lethal addiction, for war is a drug, one I ingested for many.
A former fellow at The Nation Institute, he is the author of numerous bestselling books, including Empire of Illusion; Death of the Liberal Class; War is a Force that Gives Us Meaning; and Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt, which he co-wrote with Joe Sacco/5(21).War as a force that gives